Texas A&M Controversy: Firing, Internal Reviews, and Federal Lawsuit

Melissa McCoul, a senior lecturer in English at Texas A&M University since 2017, was fired on September 8, 2025, after a student secretly recorded her children’s literature class and a Republican state representative posted the video online. She has since sued the university in federal court, and the Texas A&M Melissa McCoul lawsuit is now scheduled for a jury trial on August 9, 2027, before Judge Andrew S. Hanen in the Southern District of Texas.

What Happened in the Classroom

On July 29, 2025, a student in McCoul’s ENGL 360: Literature for Children course angled a phone in her lap and began recording. McCoul was using a “gender unicorn” diagram to explain the differences between gender identity, gender expression, and sexuality. The course required students to read contemporary middle-grade fiction, including several titles with LGBTQ+ themes.

On camera, the student told McCoul she would not participate because the lesson was “not legal” under a federal executive order recognizing only two biological sexes, and because it conflicted with her religious beliefs. McCoul responded that she had the “legal and ethical authority” and “professional expertise” to teach the material and asked the student to leave. A separate recording captured the same student meeting afterward with Texas A&M President Mark A. Welsh III, who defended teaching LGBTQ+ themes in professional-track courses. Other students in the class later described the confrontation as a “performative” ambush.

How the Firing Unfolded

On September 8, 2025, State Representative Brian Harrison of Midlothian posted both recordings on X in a 23-part thread headlined “CAUGHT ON TAPE” and labeled the lesson “transgender indoctrination.” The post drew nearly five million views. Governor Greg Abbott said on social media that the professor’s actions were “contrary to Texas law.” Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick publicly pressured the university to act.

Within hours, President Welsh fired McCoul. He also removed College of Arts and Sciences Dean Mark Zoran and English Department head Emily Johansen from their administrative roles, saying they had approved plans to continue teaching content inconsistent with the published course description. Welsh framed the firing as a matter of “academic responsibility,” not academic freedom, arguing that “course content must match the catalog descriptions for every course section.” Board of Regents Chair Robert Albritton echoed that rationale.

Critics rejected the explanation. McCoul’s attorney, Amanda Reichek, said the “course content was entirely consistent with the catalog and course description” and that McCoul was “never instructed to change her course content in any way, shape, or form.” Neal Hutchens, a University of Kentucky professor who studies higher education policy, called the mid-semester termination an “HR extreme,” noting that catalog-description disputes are normally handled with a warning.

Harrison himself later acknowledged in an interview that “no state law that we passed” limits instruction on gender themes at public universities. No state or federal law in Texas prohibits classroom instruction on race, gender, or sexual orientation.

Two Internal Reviews Sided With McCoul

Two university bodies examined the firing, and both found it unjustified.

The Texas A&M Academic Freedom Council, a faculty body created after earlier controversies, issued a report on September 25, 2025, finding that McCoul’s dismissal violated her academic freedom. The council concluded the stated rationale about catalog descriptions was “pretextual” and that the real reason was the content of her teaching, amplified by political pressure and public statements from Regents claiming the course content was “illegal.” The council also found that Welsh had bypassed established termination procedures. Vice Provost for Faculty Affairs Blanca Lupiani rejected those findings in an October 2, 2025 memo, arguing the council had acted outside its authority.

The Committee on Academic Freedom, Responsibility and Tenure, the formal appeals body for faculty dismissals, then heard McCoul’s case. On November 18, 2025, it voted 8-0 that Texas A&M “had no justification for dismissing” her and “failed to follow required procedures at multiple stages.” The committee found no documentary evidence that McCoul had been involved in the discussions about the specific catalog description administrators cited. Designating course descriptions, it noted, was the responsibility of the English department and the College of Arts and Sciences, not individual lecturers.

Under university policy, Interim President Tommy Williams could have accepted the committee’s findings and reinstated McCoul. He instead deferred to the system. On December 19, 2025, Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs James Hallmark issued a memo upholding the firing, declaring it was supported by “good cause.”

The Federal Lawsuit

On February 4, 2026, McCoul filed suit in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas, Houston Division. The case, McCoul v. Texas A&M University System (4:26-cv-00865), names as defendants the university system, all nine members of the Board of Regents, Chancellor Glenn Hegar, former President Welsh, Interim President Williams, and Vice Chancellor Hallmark.

The complaint alleges two main claims:

  • First Amendment retaliation. McCoul says she was terminated for exercising her right to academic freedom over course content that was consistent with her syllabus and the university’s curriculum.
  • Due process violations. The suit asserts the university failed to follow its own mandatory policies on summary dismissal, including the failure to provide meaningful notice or a hearing.

According to the complaint, Governor Abbott’s chief of staff contacted Welsh to push for McCoul’s termination, and Provost Alan Sams was instructed by his supervisors not to provide McCoul with the required pre-termination hearing.

McCoul is seeking reinstatement, a judicial declaration that she violated no law or university policy, punitive damages, back pay, and other restitution. She has requested a jury trial.

The defendants filed a motion to dismiss on April 10, 2026. As of mid-2026, Judge Hanen had not ruled on that motion. A pretrial conference is set for July 26, 2027, and the jury trial for August 9, 2027.

The Wider Fallout at Texas A&M

On September 9, 2025, Chancellor Hegar announced a system-wide audit of course offerings across all 12 Texas A&M schools. Ten days later, Welsh resigned under pressure from lawmakers. Harrison celebrated on social media: “WE DID IT! TEXAS A&M PRESIDENT IS OUT!!” Welsh’s last day was September 19, 2025, and the Board of Regents approved a $3.5 million separation payment on September 26.

On November 13, 2025, the Board of Regents unanimously approved a policy prohibiting courses from advocating “race or gender ideology, or topics related to sexual orientation or gender identity” unless a campus president grants written approval for specific non-core or graduate-level courses that serve a “necessary educational purpose.” The board defined “gender ideology” as “a concept of self-assessed gender identity replacing, and disconnected from, the biological category of sex.” A second policy prohibited faculty from teaching material not included in an approved syllabus. Enforcement began in the spring 2026 semester.

By January 30, 2026, the audit results at the flagship campus were public. Out of roughly 5,400 spring 2026 course syllabi:

  • Six courses were canceled: Introduction to Race and Ethnicity; Religions of the World; Ethics in Public Policy; Diversity in Sport Organizations; Cultural Leadership and Exploration for Society; and Diversity, Equity and Inclusion in Youth Development Organizations.
  • 54 courses were flagged for presidential review; 48 received exceptions, six did not.
  • Hundreds of syllabi were altered by faculty and department heads during the review.
  • The women’s and gender studies program stopped accepting new students. Interim President Williams cited “low enrollment and cost.” Current students were permitted to finish their degrees over the next six semesters.

The Board of Regents also launched a 24/7 reporting mechanism for students to flag “inaccurate or misleading course content.” Hegar said the syllabus reviews would recur every semester.

How This Fits Texas Law

Two recent state laws shape the backdrop, but neither bans the classroom instruction at issue in McCoul’s case.

Senate Bill 17, signed in 2023, banned DEI offices and programs at Texas public universities but explicitly exempted academic instruction, scholarly research, and creative work. Senate Bill 37, signed in 2025 and authored by Senator Brandon Creighton, centralized authority over curricula, hiring, and faculty governance with governor-appointed boards of regents. Under SB 37, governing boards gained the power to approve or deny the hiring of provosts and their deputies, overturn hiring decisions for deans and vice presidents, and conduct comprehensive reviews of general education curricula every five years. Existing faculty senates were abolished as of September 1, 2025, unless re-established under new state-mandated guidelines that limit them to an advisory role. The bill also established an Office of the Ombudsman, appointed by the governor, to monitor university compliance. Early drafts included language barring curricula from endorsing certain ideologies, but that provision was removed during final negotiations.

Whether McCoul’s firing can survive First Amendment and due process scrutiny is now a question for the federal court in Houston.